05.05.2003, People's Voice, May 1-15, 2003 articles
From: People's Voice Online, Monday, May 05, 2003
mailto:info@cpc-pcc.ca , http://www.communist-party.ca 

Issue of May 1-15, 2003
(The following articles are from the May 1-15, 2003 issue
of People's Voice, Canada's leading communist newspaper.
Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
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1)     MAY DAY 2003: Struggle for Peace, Jobs, Sovereignty
and Democracy! 
1) MAY DAY 2003: Struggle for Peace, Jobs, Sovereignty and
-- May Day Greetings from the 
Central Executive Committee, 
Communist Party of Canada
THIS MAY DAY arrives as working people are rising up to
oppose US imperialism's drive to war and reaction. From the
confusion and paralysis that beset the working class and
democratic movements following the events of 9/11, a new
clarity has emerged which, combined with a collective will
to action, has created a dynamic and powerful new global
movement for peace, democracy and sovereignty.
This global uprising of labour and the people's movements
has been dubbed "the new superpower," humanity's greatest
hope to counter US imperialism -- the most dangerous and
aggressive force in the world today. Working people are now
more fully aware that the main danger to global peace,
democracy and sovereignty comes from the state terrorist
policies of the Bush administration born in the Texas oil
patch and bred by the most pro-war sections of
international finance capital. US state terrorism threatens
to immerse the world in a bloodbath that could last "50 or
100 years," according to Bush. The "permanent war" of
imperialism has already been unleashed on Afghanistan and
Iraq, and its next victims may include Syria, North Korea,
Libya, and Iran.
Claiming a "right" to "preemptive" first-strike and
"tactical" nuclear war, the US has blown away the global
essentials of collective security, nuclear disarmament, and
political solutions to global and regional conflicts
through the United Nations. This is accompanied by overt
interference in the internal affairs of states, ranging
from extortion in the developing countries to US Ambassador
Cellucci's frontal attack on the Canadian government's
refusal to participate directly in the invasion of Iraq.
Washington's strong-arming abroad is matched by its
blitzkrieg of vast and arbitrary new Executive powers and
restrictions on democratic, civil and human rights, aimed
at labour, the anti-war forces, and all democratic
movements. A campaign of xenophobia and racism is directed
at Muslims and other religious and ethnic minorities, at
immigrants and visible minorities generally.
Similar legislation has been passed in Canada, including
the suspension of habeas corpus, the right to a trial in
public, and the right to appeal. A new draft law currently
before Parliament would make Canadian citizenship
probationary and revocable for a five-year period for all
new Canadians.
These are just some of the aspects of Bush's dangerous New
World Order and the agenda of US military, political and
economic domination and plunder of the world. And that is
why working people -- of all nationalities, trades and
professions, ages, abilities, genders and religious beliefs
-- have come out in their millions to resist war.
Here in Canada, working people demonstrated in their
hundreds of thousands, and the organized labour movement is
playing a more prominent role than ever before. Yet the CLC
and the provincial Federations of Labour must become more
involved, and be prepared to provide even greater
leadership, if the mass peace and anti-imperialist movement
is to register significant and lasting gains.
The labour movement in Canada and globally has a central
stake in saving the rights and standards achieved by labour
over the past 100 years. After all, the New World Order is
not just a world of permanent war and aggression. It is
unbridled corporate power, seeking endless profits and
unlimited rights to exploit and oppress working people
everywhere; to impose hemispheric Free Trade deals such as
the FTAA; to privatize every service and social program,
including medicare and public and post-secondary education,
and every natural resource including water, air and energy;
to cut and eliminate corporate taxes; to strike down all
national laws, rules, regulations; to destroy democracy
itself if necessary.
The Canadian Alliance, and their provincial counterparts in
government in BC, Alberta and Ontario, plus the
just-defeated Action Democratique (ADQ) in Quebec, are the
political front for war and reaction in Canada. 
Not surprisingly, they are also the parties enacting the
most vicious anti-labour legislation, ripping up collective
agreements and banning the right to strike in parts of
public sector, encouraging the use of scabs while
restricting picketing and organizing, legislating the 60
hour work week in Ontario and the 56 hour week in BC, and
enacting labour standards that turn the clock back 75 years
in Canada's largest provinces.
The same corporations that back these parties (and benefit
from these policies) are laying off thousands of workers
and demanding that unions open up collective agreements for
wage concessions. While governments hand out tax breaks to
the wealthy, these corporations demand cuts to EI and
welfare, while paying billions of dollars to CEOs who are
the architects of vast corruption. They are the
cheerleaders for "open borders," while shipping plants and
factories on the night train south. For labour, this is a
struggle that cannot be avoided. It is also a struggle that
provides labour with many, many allies.
This May Day, the CLC and its affiliates must resolve to
move labour to the centre of the struggle for peace, jobs,
sovereignty and democracy. This is the decisive political
struggle facing the working class today, without which
little can be won at the bargaining table -- and much can
be lost.
The left and progressive forces within labour must take up
the challenge to press the CLC into action on all of these
fronts. A good place to start would be the action
resolutions adopted by delegates at the June 2002 CLC
convention against the FTAA, and in defence of medicare,
around which little has been done since.
Last November's hemispheric meeting of labour and social
organizations (which included representation from the CLC)
agreed to coordinate hemispheric protests, including job
action, to block the FTAA. During the period of Sept.
10-14, 2003, the labour and anti-globalisation forces from
every country will raise their own demands under the banner
of opposition to the FTAA.
This hemispheric struggle gives the CLC a unique
opportunity to play a leading role in mobilizing working
people for a new economic direction. A labour-led campaign
for a shorter work week with no loss in take-home pay,
earlier voluntary retirement at 60, an end to mandatory
overtime, expanded statutory vacation time, and
substantially increased pensions and minimum wages would be
a huge boost in the fight for a People's Agenda for Canada.
Likewise, the battle for medicare has become a battle
against private service delivery. Here too, the CLC,
representing health care workers coast to coast to coast,
and working with its coalition partners, can lead hundreds
of thousands of Canadians into the streets against
privatization of service delivery, and for the full and
immediate implementation of the Romanow report now.
This May Day exemplifies the need for international
coordination and action by labour, as never before. The
first steps by the ICFTU and the WFTU, to jointly fight
capitalist globalization (bringing together the two largest
parts of the international labour movement, divided by
anti-communism for decades), are an example of what needs
to be done now. Cooperation and coordination between
international labour centrals, during strikes and other
struggles against transnational corporations, must become
the norm. Transnational capital is organized on a global
level; labour must be equally well organized
The Communist Party of Canada advocates and supports the
building of an independent, sovereign, and united trade
union movement, one which can become the spine and the core
of broadly- based resistance to capitalist globalization,
war and reaction, as well as the spearhead of the drive to
fundamentally curb corporate power and emancipate labour.
We are committed to work with all those who fight for
peace, jobs, sovereignty and democracy, for social progress
and for socialism. On this May Day, we salute all those
working for these goals, and all those in struggle for a
better life for working people in Canada, and around the
 -- People's Voice Editorial, May 1-15, 2003
SOCIALIST CUBA has come under intense criticism by Western
governments and the U.S.-dominated media for its decision
to arrest and try several dozen Cuban nationals for
violating Cuban law. They were accused of colluding with
and receiving secret funds from U.S. government officials,
in particular with the new Bush-appointed Chief of the U.S.
Special Interests Section in Havana, James Cason.
The sensational and misleading coverage given this issue in
the international media has created much confusion, as no
doubt was its intent. Some people who have previously been
supportive of Cuba's sovereignty and social system have
changed their tune at this critical time. As the history of
the USSR and other countries shows, no socialist society is
free of errors, and a refusal to discuss any shortcomings
can lead to serious setbacks. But the evidence presented
recently by Cuban Foreign Minister Felipe Perez Roque
proves conclusively that justice has indeed been served
well in this case.
Unlike in Canada, where the will of the people on crucial
matters such as "free trade" or defence of social programs
is utterly ignored by our corporate rulers, the people of
revolutionary Cuba control their own destiny through
democratic debate and decision-making. The fact that Cuba
has one political party, not many, does not change this
undeniable truth.
We urge all genuine friends of Cuba to read through the
evidence against the so-called "dissidents," who are in
fact nothing more than agents of the terrorist Empire based
in Washington. The Cuban people have been victims of
imperialist attacks on many occasions over the last 44
years. They deserve our solidarity more than ever today,
when they are facing new threats and dangers.
-- Special to PV
THE LIBERALS under Jean Charest won 76 seats in Québec's
April 14 election, defeating Premier Bernard Landry and his
Parti Québecois (45 seats) and the Action démocratique du
Québec led by Mario Dumont (4 seats). Québec's new
left-wing alliance, the Union des forces progressistes
(UFP) won large votes in the ridings of Mercier and
The result was not the sweeping Liberal victory portrayed
by the media in English-speaking Canada. The overall
Liberal vote (1,754,000) was little changed compared to the
1998 election, while the PQ vote fell by about half a
million, to 1,269,000, reflecting growing discontent at the
party's shift towards right-wing policies. The 70% turnout
was the lowest since 1927, hurting the PQ more than the
other parties.
Despite receiving just under 46% of the popular vote, the
Liberals won 61% of seats in the National Assembly. The
PQ's 33.2% share of the popular vote was close to their 36%
of Assembly seats, while the ADQ won over 18% of the vote
but just 3.2% of the seats.
For the ADQ, this was a crushing defeat, even though their
overall percentage of the popular vote increased. A few
months ago, Mario Dumont was leading the polls and
welcoming four new colleagues to his caucus after
by-election victories.
Dumont was the only ADQ incumbent to win re-election, after
his far-right policies became increasingly rejected by
Québec voters. The three new ADQ members in the Assembly
were elected from rural ridings in the Québec City area.
The Liberals emphasized two key issues -- health care and
taxation. Jean Charest pledged to pour a mix of massive
public and private investments into the healthcare system,
which is reeling under the impact of underfunding. The
Liberals also promised to freeze all other social spending,
and to reduce taxes over the next five years, without
making the details clear.
Charest's campaign will sound eerily familiar to British
Columbians, who voted heavily Liberal in 2001 after Gordon
Campbell promised to defend health care and education and
implement massive tax cuts for low and middle income
earners. As premier, Campbell slashed taxes for the
corporations and the wealthiest tax brackets. Today,
hospital waiting lists are much longer, and schools are
being closed across the province.
Several immediate challenges face Charest, such as
negotiations with public sector workers starting in June,
and demands for pay equity. So far, the premier-elect has
given little indication how he will deal with these issues.
For the Parti Québecois, the defeat means the departure of
Bernard Landry, either before the National Assembly
convenes or within a few months.
In the past, the PQ has tended to move to the left in
opposition, becoming more radical. André Parizeau, leader
of the Parti communiste du Québec (PCQ) told PV in an April
18 interview that this may not be the case in the impending
PQ leadership race.
The PQ has grown increasingly tied to "free trade" and
integration with the US, says Parizeau. This shift towards
pro-business policies is unlikely to be reversed, in his
view, meaning that the necessity to build movements around
a people's alternative platform remains extremely urgent.
Formed two years ago to contest a by-election in the
Montreal riding of Mercier, the UFP is a unique electoral
expression of this necessity. The new party ran candidates
in 73 ridings, winning 40,561 votes (1.06%), on a platform
emphasizing opposition to "free trade" and the war in Iraq,
and defence of the public medicare system. The UFP's main
election platform was circulated in 275,000 copies of a
special 4-page tabloid.
The UFP spent about $100,000 on the campaign, focusing much
of its effort on Mercier. Amir Khadir received 5,278 votes
in the riding, placing third with 17.9%, down from the
UFP's 2001 by-election vote of 24%. But the total UFP vote
rose by about 1,000 in Mercier, which bucked the provincial
trend towards a lower turnout.
At one point, phone surveys showed Khadir at about 25%,
with a chance to win. That changed late in the campaign,
when a desperate PQ made enormous efforts in Mercier and
some other ridings. Playing on fears of a terrible setback
for the cause of Québec sovereignty, the PQ was able to
convince some supporters who had been leaning towards the
UFP to shift their votes, ensuring victory for the PQ's
Daniel Turp in Mercier.
But André Parizeau says that UFP supporters are not
discouraged by their first campaign. After all, he notes,
Chile's Popular Unity coalition was launched in the 1930s,
over thirty years before electing the socialist government
of Salvador Allende in 1970.
Parizeau was the key UFP organizer in Outrement, a
mixed-income riding next to Mercier. Jill Hanley placed
third with 1,818 votes (6.9%) in Outrement, 106 votes ahead
of the ADQ, which spent plenty of money on its candidate,
Christian de Serres, a big business executive.
The UFP met its initial objectives, says Parizeau, by
achieving significant results in several ridings outside of
Mercier. In Laurier-Dorion, Bill Sloan, a PCQ member
running on the UFP ticket, won 912 votes (3%). That's the
best-ever showing for the left in this Liberal stronghold,
the Park Extension area of Montreal where over 90% of the
population were born outside Canada.
One reason for the lower than expected UFP vote was lack of
media coverage, except for Amir Khadir, who became the de
facto spokesperson for the party. Another factor, says
Parizeau, was that most well-known spokespersons for
community and labour groups were afraid to openly back the
UFP. Since the swing to the right by the major parties will
not stop, he says, the need for the UFP and a people's
alternative will become more evident in the period ahead.
The Greens were disappointed with their results: 17,076
votes for their 34 candidates. The Greens and the UFP
agreed before the campaign to endorse each other's
candidates, but the informal alliance faced problems as the
campaign went on.
Combining its support for the UFP with the need to defend
the PCQ's legal status, the Communists nominated three
candidates, forced to appear as "independents" on the
ballot due to undemocratic election laws. All three were
endorsed by the UFP.
Pierre Bibeau won 408 votes in the Laval-area riding of
Fabre, a northern suburb of Montreal. Sylvain Archambault
got 243 votes in Bourassa-Sauvé, an area of north Montreal
which is home to many Haitian immigrants. André Parizeau
himself ran in Acadie, another north Montreal riding with a
large Arab population, winning 161 votes.
The Montreal Labour Council of the CNTU supported all UFP
candidates in ridings where it judged that the ADQ could
not win, as well as other candidates backed by the UFP,
including Bibeau, Archambault, and Parizeau. The city's
outside workers' union, CUPE Local 301, took a similar
position. These bodies refused to follow directives from
the top leadership of their labour federations to support
the PQ, but clearly, the labour movement as a whole is a
long way from endorsing the UPP.
As well as Bill Sloan, two other PCQ members ran as UFP
candidates. Trade unionist Etienne Hallé received 192 votes
in Lotbiniere, and Pascal Durand, a city worker, got 364
votes in Verdun.
-- By Kimball Cariou
At the end of another dismal rainy season, it's still open
season on organized labour in British Columbia. Thousands
of workers are facing new employer threats on the west
coast, including hospital employees and workers in the
retail and forestry sectors.
One of the biggest blows since the election of the Campbell
Liberals in 2001 has been directed at the Hospital
Employees Union, a CUPE affiliate. Premier Campbell told
the union before the election that he would not rip up
their collective agreements, only to break that promise and
virtually declare the HEU his government's main enemy.
Now, facing a massive privatization drive which could wipe
out as many as 20,000 jobs, the HEU has reluctantly agreed
to $1 an hour pay cuts for some of its 46,000 members, a
longer work week (with no increase in pay), cancelled wage
increases, and other concessions.
A tentative framework agreement reached with the government
in mid-April will mitigate the impact of contracting out on
union members and the public, according to HEU leaders.
"In exchange for forgone wage and pay equity increases,
longer hours of work and wage reductions, government has
agreed to cap the number of positions that can be
contracted out," said Chris Allnutt, HEU secretary-business
manager. "At the same time, we've also gained access to
better severance provisions and more bumping options for
laid off workers."
Achieved through "intense and difficult negotiations," the
agreement "is not our ideal outcome," said Allnutt,
speaking for the multi-union Health Services and Support
Facilities Bargaining Association. "But it is a practical
solution that provides our members and the public with a
measure of stability and certainty in the face of
government policies that are causing chaos in health care."
The deal would extend the current collective agreement by
two years to March 31, 2006, and cap contracting out at
3,500 full time equivalents, or 5,000 jobs, much less than
the government's original target of 20,000 jobs.
The unions have recommended that their members vote to
approve the deal in balloting that will be completed by
mid-May. Allnutt expects that the tentative agreement will
be controversial.
"After all," he said, "these workers already ratified a
collective agreement with the expectation that government
would respect it. Instead, the B.C. Liberals shredded those
contracts to pave the way for their reckless agenda of
cuts, closures and privatization. And thousands of skilled,
experienced health care workers -- most of them women
who've made valuable contributions to our health care
system -- may still lose their jobs."
Savings from the agreement are estimated at about $500
million over three years. Allnutt said health authorities
should weigh these gains against the considerable risks of
contracting out critical services. Legal efforts by health
care unions to have Campbell's contract-breaking Bill 29
declared unconstitutional will continue. Allnutt said the
framework agreement forms part of the unions' strategy to
mitigate the impact of contracting out on health care
workers while the case works its way through the courts.
Meanwhile, Safeway workers in the Lower Mainland and Fraser
Valley have voted 98% to authorize a strike if the company
refuses to negotiate a fair collective agreement.
The United Food and Commercial Workers Local 1518 calls the
overwhelming strike mandate "a very loud and clear message"
that its members "are not prepared to accept concessions or
a rollover collective agreement." Safeway has been pressing
the union to "roll over" the existing collective agreement,
claiming this would allow its workers to keep what they now
have. But the UFCW argues that Local 1518 members would
start to lose groups the minute such an agreement was
For example, Safeway has been asking for a 5-year
agreement. But with the current rate of inflation edging
close to 5% per year, employees would be earning about 25%
less in real terms at the end of such a contract. A "roll
over" would cut deeply into workers' pensions, since
contributions to the pension plan are based on a percent of
wages, which would not be increased.
Another sore point would be the impact on extended Health
Benefits, the costs of which are expected to increase by
about 15% a year. Safeway's contribution to the plan has
been based on the actual costs of maintaining benefits.
Now, the company wants to cap the amount it pays for
benefits, meaning either that benefits will be cut, or
workers will have to pay to maintain present levels of
coverage out of their own pockets. Extending the current
agreement, the union says, would also mean five more years
of "intolerable treatment" of Clerk II workers,
unacceptable student seniority language, intolerable night
stocking scheduling, abuse of seniority provisions, and
many other problems.
Given that Safeway's bargaining demands would cut take-home
pay by thousands of dollars and impose many other burdens
on its employees, the 98% strike mandate is hardly
surprising. B.C. labour law requires that a union give the
employer 72 hours notice in advance of strike action. At
press time on April 22, the UFCW expected negotiations to
continue for some time.
Another shock hit forestry workers recently, when the
provincial government unveiled plans to change rules
regulating the industry. For decades, forest companies have
been required to process logs in the region where timber is
harvested, a measure which provided some guarantee of
stability for mill workers and their communities.
Now, in the name of promoting "efficiency" and competition
in the global marketplace, the Campbell Liberals are ready
to scrap these requirements. Their argument is that this
will create more jobs per volume of timber harvested, but
that claim depends on the unlikely chance that forest
companies will put job creation ahead of quick profits
through the export of raw logs.
More probable is that the concentration of jobs in smaller
numbers of mills will accelerate, leaving dozens of smaller
towns around the coast and the interior with even less
sources of employment. Already hard hit by a major economic
downturn, the impact of the US softwood lumber tariffs, and
devastating government cutbacks, these areas are alarmed
and outraged by this shift in policy. Ironically, the
Industrial Wood and Allied Workers (IWA) is one of the
unions most angered by the announcement. The IWA leadership
has been one of the forces holding down any major fightback
against the Liberals over the last year, preferring to
attempt to build ties with the government. Not
surprisingly, the IWA leaders feel completely betrayed by
the Premier and his cabinet.
Unions, environmental groups and First Nations across the
province are organizing to stop this policy change. An
upcoming issue of People's Voice will analyse this urgent
issue in depth.
-- "Anti-Fascist Resistance" column, by David Lethbridge
ERNST ZUNDEL will soon join other prominent neo-Nazis in
political obscurity. Whether he is deported to Germany to
face a possible five year prison sentence, as he certainly
should be, is in some sense immaterial. He is finished. He
is through. His goose -- to turn a phrase -- is gassed.
Three years ago, Zundel fled Canada for Tennessee. But on
Feb. 5, 2003, he was arrested by American INS agents,
deported back to Canada and banned from the US for twenty
years. Never a Canadian citizen, Zundel had lost his landed
immigrant status and so was immediately taken into custody.
An immigration hearing has been convened to determine
whether Zundel's presence in Canada constitutes a danger to
national security. Things are not going well for Zundel.
Two lawyers have already bailed out on him, and he is left
with no one to defend him but Paul Fromm, who is acting as
his "legal representative."
The state maintains that Zundel is a "leading distributor
of neo-Nazi propaganda," an anti-Semite, a neo-Nazi, and a
white supremacist. Predictably, Fromm and Zundel are
claiming, somewhat ludicrously, that such terms are nothing
but "innuendo and smear words." Well, Zundel may try to
deny the bloody reality of the Nazi regime, but it is going
to be quite a stretch for him to deny the reality of his
own past.
Zundel is the author of The Hitler We Loved and Why, a book
reeking of antisemitism and of hatred towards people of
colour. It is a love poem to Hitler: "Wherever we are, he
is with us," Zundel writes. "We love you Adolph Hitler!"
Sadly for Zundel, there is nothing like love letters to
come back to haunt us.
Born in Germany in 1939, Zundel immigrated to Canada in
1958. Over the next several years he studied under Adrien
Arcand, the aging leader of Canada's pre-World War II
pro-Nazi movement. Arcand taught Zundel well, lent him his
library, and put him in touch with his world-wide network
of fascist collaborators.
During the 1970s, Zundel worked on the editorial staff of
the neo-Nazi White Power Report, in Virginia, publishing a
number of his own articles. By the late 1970s, he was
openly denying the Holocaust, referring to it as a
"gigantic hoax," and was beaming his fascist message to the
world from a 50,000 watt transmitter at a short-wave
station in Louisiana.
Not only has Zundel produced and sold enormous quantities
of pro-Nazi and Holocaust-denial films, videotapes,
pamphlets, and books, he has repeatedly attempted to mail
similar fascist propaganda to schools and libraries across
the country. According to Zundel himself, he has marketed
fascist propaganda to no less than forty-five countries. 
Indeed, Zundel has been for many years the world's major
exporter of fascist material. According to German
intelligence sources, Zundel was the primary supplier of
hate propaganda to the renewed and murderous Nazi movement
in that country.
In 1991, Zundel was writing articles in Perseverance, a
newsletter written by former members of the Hungarian
fascist Arrow Cross movement. 
This newsletter is published in Australia, but distributed
in both North America and Europe. In one article, Zundel
extols Holocaust-denier and execution technologist Fred
Leuchter, describes how he hired Kirk Lyons, a lawyer for
both Aryan Nations and the KKK to defend Leuchter in
criminal proceedings, and brought teams of supporters down
from Ottawa and Toronto to support him.
In a second article, Zundel bemoans the fate of a number of
Holocaust-deniers before European courts, and then
discusses his own case. Zundel had been recently arrested
in Germany on charges relating to Holocaust-denial
activities dating back to the 1980s. Zundel claims his
intention of fighting through every level of the German
judicial system, and ends by comparing his case to that of
Hitler's early trial in the 1920s. Hitler's trial, Zundel
points out, was a stepping stone to national prominence and
the leadership of Germany. Could the result of his own
trial bring the same results for Zundel? Would Zundel too
rise to national prominence? "Will history repeat itself,"
Zundel muses? "Only time will tell!"
As it happened, Zundel was convicted of "inciting racial
hatred against certain sections of the population," and was
fined several thousand Deutchmarks.
With the collapse of the Soviet Union, German neo-Nazis
began to infiltrate Eastern Europe, Ukraine, and Russia.
Several visits to Russia by Ewald Althans, a prominent
German neo-Nazi, were financed by Zundel in 1992 and 1993.
In 1994, Zundel and Althans went to Moscow together to meet
with neo-fascist leaders Vladimir Zhirinovsky and
Aleksander Barkashov. "If we are going to have a Nazi
government anywhere in the world, it will be in Russia,"
Zundel gloated. "I foresee such a government coming to
power within a decade."
Throughout the 1990s, Zundel sought to weave a web of power
within the Canadian extreme-right, deepening his
relationship with Paul Fromm, Doug Christie, George Burdi,
and many others. In 1996, Zundel was sharing his home with
Wolfgang Droege, a former Klan leader and head of the
fascist Heritage Front. But it all fell apart and he fled
to the USA to escape possible prosecution for his Internet
Zundel's delusions were always based on sand. Russia has
not yet turned to fascism; that inglorious distinction may
more likely befall the USA. Nor has Zundel risen, like his
hero Hitler, to national prominence. On the contrary. He
sits in a cell in Ontario, largely abandoned by his once
world-wide network of fascist sympathizers, waiting to find
out if he will be released into obscurity by the Canadian
judicial system, or deported to a German cell.
The Nazi style of fascism that Zundel so loves will not
return. History does not repeat itself; not even as farce.
The new form of fascism brewing in Washington will not
resemble the fascism of 1930s Berlin. It has no need of
Zundel, anymore than it needed Richard Butler or William
Pierce. Indeed, Zundel may be, as he himself has said, "the
last German soldier of World War II." Defeated, now, with
all the rest.
Communist Party of Canada
290A Danforth Ave.,
Toronto, Ontario   M4K 1N6
tel: 416-469-2446 - fax: 416-469-4063

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