Philippine Communist Party PKP-1930
by Pedro P. Baguisa

On behalf of the Philippine Communist Party (PKP-1930),
allow me to convey our heartfelt greetings to the leaders
and members of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE), our
host to this important event, and also our revolutionary
salute to the comrades who are present here today.
In the 90s, bourgeois propagandists have pronounced that
�communism is dead�. After a few years, people of the world
witnessed that the said propaganda was proven �dead on
arrival� in the bourgeois's �hospital of lies and deceit�,
for class struggle remains in the hearts and minds of
communists everywhere.
Throughout its history, the PKP-1920 has been in the
forefront of the struggles for the real and timely
interests of the Filipino people.
It was born amidst the growing misery and discontent of the
Filipino people resulting from the general crisis of world
capitalism for which the Philippines was but a colonial
enclave. The prolonged and deep-seated economic
dislocations could not but find concrete expression in the
growth and militancy of the Filipino workers and peasant
masses who are the main victims of imperialist
exploitation.
It was by no means an accident that the PKP was formally
organised on August 26, 1930, the anniversary of the First
Cry of Balintawak, since this party embodies all the noble
sentiments, longings and goals of the Filipino people that
made the Revolution of 1896 possible. It is heir to the
Revolution's noblest traditions --- its devotion to and
love of its country, its spirit of sacrifice and
selflessness, its undying determination to liberate the
Philippines from any and all forms of foreign domination,
whatever this may cost.
Neither was it mere coincidence that the PKP was formally
launched on November 7, 1930, the anniversary of the Great
October Socialist Revolution which created the first social
state, the Soviet Union. This symbolised the leading role
of the working masses in the struggle for national and
social liberation, and brought to fruition the only
possible humanist alternative to a crisis-plagued,
poverty-stricken capitalist system.
The PKP-1930 therefore is the indigenous product of
domestic conditions that unfolded and developed, of the
inter-relations of the native social forces particularly as
these relate to the foreign colonisers, and of the growth
and development of the political consciousness of the
Filipino people, especially its most advanced sector. Its
founding is not the result of foreign instigation, as some
quarters allege, but the logical outcome of local events
influenced in no small measure by international
developments.

For National Liberation and Democracy

From its birth, the PKP-1930 was among the forces which
fought hard to have an independence law that is free from
reimpositions of colonialism.
When Japanese imperialism reared its ugly head and replaced
American imperialism, the PKP-1930 wasted no time and
spared no effort in preparing and leading the Filipino
people to fight the new invaders. The patriotic and heroic
struggle of the Party and the HUKBALAHAP is now history.
Even as Filipino guerrillas were eliminating the remnants
of the Japanese forces, the PKP-1930 turned its efforts and
attention to the new, though subtle but nonetheless more
dangerous attempt to negate Philippine independence.
American imperialism started to build the basis of the new
colonialism when it passed a congressional resolution in
1944 providing for US military bases in the Philippines,
approved the Bell Trade Act reimposing a colonial economic
structure on the Philippines, and laid down the War Damage
Act, the provisions of which reinforced the ends of the
Bell Trade Act through the rehabilitation of comprador
industries and the institution of a puppet political
regime.
When the United States sought to impose these measures on
the Filipino people, the PKP fought fiercely and hard
despite great odds, the number one imperialist power in the
world. The heroic struggle of the PKP and the masses of
Filipinos that it led for national liberation, for dignity
and self-respect, was very much akin to that led by
Bonifacio and the Katipunan in 1896.
Some colonial historians have pointedly ignored these.
Others, while taking account of these historical episodes,
have portrayed them as rebellious against national
authority instead of as a revolution against US
imperialism, and for national liberation and class
emancipation.

Attitude towards government

It was inevitable that in the course of its struggle
against imperialism, the PKP should tangle with national
regimes beholden and subservient to imperialist interests.
But even as this took place, the PKP never lost sight of
the main enemy and used every opportunity to expand the
anti-imperialist united front. Any administration that,
even in a small way has shown some degree of safeguarding
Philippine sovereignty is certainly supported by the PKP.
Thus, the PKP, as one of the pillars of the Democratic
Alliance, became part of a broader coalition with Osmena
and the Nationalista Party who were then also opposed to
the Parity Amendment, the Bell Trade Act and the US
military bases. It jeopardised the congressional seats of
its representatives and risked outright fascist suppression
by taking an uncompromising stand against all the measures
US imperialism sought to impose on the Filipino people. It
was precisely the determination of the PKP to struggle for
genuine national independence that forced the use of
violence by the imperialist-directed Roxas regime, a
violence so savage in its onslaught that the national
liberation forces were compelled to fight back not only in
self-defence but for national freedom.
When the Quirino regime manifested its readiness to resist
imperialist impositions, the PKP went into negotiations
with it in the hope that a truly Filipino solution could be
arranged, but American pressure forced Quirino to renege on
his commitments. Again, the PKP went into dialogue with the
Magsaysay regime when the President indicated his desire
for peace among Filipinos. This, however, subsequently fell
flat after imperialist after imperialist power brazenly
asserted itself in the guise of naval manoeuvres.
And when President Garcia expounded on his Filipino-First
Policy, the PKP was among his most enthusiastic and active
allies. But more insidious forms of pressures compelled the
retreat of this policy until nothing was left but the
slogan and the bitter aftertaste of a faint-hearted
struggle against US imperialism. The PKP likewise tested
the sincerity and genuiness of Macapagal's �Unfinished
Revolution� only to find some vital elements missing in
those attempts at asserting Filipino sovereignty -
morality, courage, self-respect, and readiness to sacrifice
all, if necessary, for the sake of national emancipation.
During martial law, the PKP again proved its readiness to
co-operate with the government in areas which contribute to
the welfare of the masses, primarily land reform. Although
it differs with the Marcos administration on several
points, especially on the suspension of democratic rights
and the encouragement of foreign investments and
neo-colonial industrialisation, the PKP nevertheless
recognises the merits of the government's more independent
stance in foreign affairs, its bid to renegotiate the US
bases, its close relations with socialist and Third World
countries, its progressive positions in the United Nations,
and the increased participation of the state sector in the
oil, sugar and transportation industries. The PKP also sees
greater opportunities for the masses to decide and manage
their own affairs through the administration's increased
emphasis on the barangays and co-operative organisations.
When the Marcos regime and its IMF-led technocracy
mutinied, the nation was afforded a golden opportunity to
steer a debt-fuelled and crisis-ridden economy away from
the clutches of the International loan sharks. The PKP was
ready to support whatever nationalist or democratic move to
be made by the new government. But the new government,
instead of pursuing an economic program that will
emancipate the nation from its debt bondage, elected to
recycle the old IMF economic recipe for recovery. The
Aquino government became implementor of the IMF-World Bank
program of �structural adjustments�, which led to a crisis
in Filipino industry and Philippine labour, greater
indebtedness and a greater role for foreign capital. This
is neo-colonialism pure and simple.
The Ramos administration became a successful implementation
bureau of the policies, such as trade liberalisation,
privatisation and deregulation, being imposed by the
international financial institutions and of the World Trade
Organisation. It was during his administration that the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and
corresponding supporting laws of it were ratified. The
PKP-1930 has openly fought against the ratification of the
said agreement. On the GATT issue, most of the so-called
progressive blocks basically were carried away by the myth
of growth, myth of free competition and the myth of
inevitability of globalisation being promised by it.
Three years after the formation of the WTO, economic
hardship had already been felt. Thus, in the presidential
elections in 1998, the Filipino people voted for a more
simple, militant and more or less progressive, ( at that
time a rapid anti-military bases senator), in the person of
Joseph Ejercito Estrada, who calls himself �pro-poor�. But
to the disappointment of the Filipino masses, just a few
days after being elected, Pres. Estrada pronounced the
immediate privatisation of more than 100 government firms
and corporations, his intention of allowing foreigners to
own lands (while millions of Filipinos are considered
squatters in our own land). In other words, the �pro-poor�
president has not a bit of difference with the past
administrations, who all submitted to the dictates of
international monopoly capital.
Due to this submiserveness to the diktates of foreign
capital, the economic dislocations and crisis deepened.
The past administration laid down the stable foundation of
foreign capital by ratifying the GATT and other laws
supportive to it. The said GATT and other laws in support
to GATT were primarily sponsored by the now Vice-President
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, who initiated the Decontrol
Program. Vice-President Gloria Arroyo is now campaignins to
replace President Estrada by the Exclamation Point
movement.
The destabilisation of the Estrada administration is now in
progress. It all started through peripheral attacks on
President Estrada in his early years of administration. It
was only at that time, that corruptions (being rampant in
the past administrations), that the bickerings between
former Gen. Lastimosa and present AFP chief of staff Gen.
Panfilo Lascon had received so much publicity.
The destabilisation process from the side of foreign
investors was temporarily suspended, when President Estrada
willingly accepted the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) with
the United States.
Another hot issue that somehow shook the Estrada
administration was the issue of constitutional amendments.
In order to give the assurance of stability to foreign
investors, the Philippine Constitution must be amended.
Thus, President Estrada proposed the so-called
Constitutional Corrections for Development (CONCORD), which
got support from the religious sect of El Shaddai.
The Catholic group headed by Cardinal Sin and former
President Cory Aquino strongly opposed the charter not
because they are against constitutionalising the demands of
foreign investors, but because they don't want any
prolongation of the term of President Estarda. It should be
remembered that during the Aquino and Ramos
administrations, they also attempted to amend the
constitution (charter change, which was commonly term as
Cha-Cha), in response to the pressure by foreign investors.
Again, most of the so-called progressive blocks, struggled
against the constitutional change.
From the side of the Philippine Communist Party (PKP-1930),
we are in favour of changing the 1987 Constitution, which
we also consider a product of the dictates of international
monopoly capital. Though there are more or less progressive
provisions in it, there still are anti-democratic foreign
investors leasing land for fifty years and still renewable
for another 25 years, the provisions giving the President a
very powerful hand in running the country. On the other
hand, we do not agree with the proposed corrections of
President Estrada which will allow foreign investors to buy
and own lands, the 100% equity basis of foreign business,
etc.
Since this issue on charter change, the popularity of
President Estrada has uncontrollably slid down.
In the year 2000, the Exclamation Point movement emerged to
destabilise and topple the Estrada administrations with
Vice-President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo as the proposed one
to replace President Estrada.
Aside from the economic crisis brought about by economic
globalisation, for the past three months the issue in
Mindanao has been rekindled. The Abu sayyaf, which got
support from the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has
kidnapped 21 foreigners (10 Europeans and 11 Asians). The
MoroIslamic Liberation Front has made several attacks to
military headquarters. Even the Moro National Liberation
Front have made threats to go back to mountains after Nur
Missuari has been questioned about the P19 billion provided
to the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).
Several bombings has been made in Metro Manila Lastly,
several assassinations have been committed by different
terrorist groups.
All these kinds of terrorism have silently died down now,
after the arrival of 1,700 US military troops to engage in
military exercises with 1,300 Philippine military troops.
It can be concluded that the earlier mentioned chaotic
activities were planned to justify not only the
destabilisation of the Etrada administration, but to
justify the coming of the US military troops to the
Philippines.
From this experience, we could also conclude hand in hand
with economic globalisation is militarization, both of
which were being pursued by international monopoly capital
in order to bring them larger profits and stability of
their businesses all throughout the world.
Thus, in all our policies, decisions and actions, the
guiding principle that has consistently served as the PKP's
beacon has been: Would they be in the interest - short or
long term of the Filipino people, particularly the working
masses? And the bases for determining these interests are:
Would they mean greater independence and sovereignty for
the Filipino people? Would there be greater participation
of the masses, of the well-being of the masses? Would these
eventually result in the complete liberation of the
Filipino people from imperialist domination and influence?
Would they finally end man's exploitation of his fellowmen?

Attitude towards Progressive and Democratic Blocks

I would like to reiterate that the PKP, has never lost
sight of the main enemy and has used every opportunity to
expand the anti-imperialist united front. Any block or
group that even in a small way indicated tendencies towards
asserting some degree of Philippine sovereignty and
democracy can obtain the support of the PKP.
The PKP-1930 had been an active part of different coalition
networks struggling for real independence and democracy in
the country. Our members became a considerable part of the
National Movement Civil Liberties (MMCL), of the Anti-Bases
Coalition (ABC), of the People's Caucus, of the Anti-New
Treaty with US, of the Anti-Poverty Movement, of the
Council for People's Agrarian Reform (CPAR), of the Labour
Advisory Consultative Council (LACC), the Freedom from Dept
Coalition (FDC). We joined these coalitions under the
agreed basic organizational principles, such as mutual
respect, shared responsibility, and to have consensus in
decision-making.
However, most of these coalitions, like the MMCL, CPAR and
LACC died away, mainly because of the bickerings between
the mass organisations of different factions of the
Marxist-Leninist Maoist Communist Party of the Philippines.
The said coalitions have gone nowhere because of the many
conflicts between its member organisations, because some of
its members were affected (either confused or dismayed) by
the collapse of the Soviet Union and other East European
countries, and because of other similar reasons.
Since then, most of the progressive political blocks have
had their independent struggle. Meanwhile, the PKP-1930
concentrated in consolidating its own forces. Nevertheless,
the Party-led mass organisations continued to find all
possibilities of coalition efforts with other progressive
and democratic blocks.
In other words, the PKP-1930 will support and respect any
group asserting national sovereignty and democracy, even if
all efforts exerted for coalition building have been
successful, because we recognise the vitalness of a
widely-supported united front against the principle enemy,
international monopoly capital.
On the other hand, as our past experiences have shown, we
are determined to fight anti-democratic and terrorist
activities of different groups, that in one way or another
can hinder the revolution being pursued.

Co-operation and Alliance of Communists Today

In this period of struggle between the forces and
institutions of economic globalisation (not knowing any
national border), whose objective is to maximise profit for
global corporations on the one hand, and of the masses of
working people around the world striving for better place
to live in, the co-operation and alliance of communists is
indeed very important and a necessity.
We fully recognise our communist task to extend our
material and moral support to our fellow communists to our
best capabilities (though sometimes, we encounter different
problems, such as financial constraints). We have been an
active part of the Afro-Asian Peace and Solidarity Council,
of initiating the formation of Friendship Societies with
other countries, of rallying against the coming of Pinochet
in the country, of campaigning for the release of Elian
Gonzalez, and other internationalist activities.
Although, the PKP-1930 recognises the internal determinant
in the pursued revolution, but we could not ignore neither
belittle the influence of international developments and
linkages, as our struggle against US imperialism and
repressive reactionary regime in the 50s.
However, it was precisely during the height of the struggle
for national emancipation that American slander of the PKP
--- the better to mislead the people. American
propagandists, taking advantage of the anti-communist
hysteria which was created and deliberately fanned by the
Cold War architects, fabricated one of its most blatant and
persistent lies --- that the PKP takes direction either
from Peking or from Moscow.
The PKP has never been directed, nor guided, much less
dominated by any foreign party or government. Even when the
PKP was considered a branch of the CPUSA, the Philippines
being still a formal colony of the US, there was neither
domination nor direction by the American Communist Party.
At most, there were some form of advice and assistance, and
this had to be in the interest of the Filipino people.
The PKP, however, takes pride in its fraternal ties with
all communist parties. Any attempt to attach a foreign
label to it is a malicious distortion designed to resurrect
Cold War hysteria. The fact remains that the PKP is first
and foremost a Filipino party striving for the betterment
of the working masses.
This is the Philippine Communist Party (PCP) or in our
language the Partido Kominista ng Pilipinas (PKP-1930),
the party of the Filipino working masses.