Union of Communist Parties (UCP-CPSU)
by Oleg Shenin

Dear comrades,
We were all participants in the great history-making
events of the revolutionary movement that spread world-wide
in the second part of the 20th century.
Unfortunately the end of the past century has seen history
going in reverse and the reactionary forces worldwide are
attacking gains that peoples won back from capitalism.
World capitalism has got rid of its counterbalance - the
Soviet Union and the countries of the Socialist
Commonwealth. It is the first time since the Great October
Socialist Revolution that capitalism did succeed in
restructuring and revisioning of the world in the interests
of a narrow group of imperialist states.
The process of converting the bi-polar world into unipolar
had changed the configuration of the world political map
but it didn't bring and could not bring history to its
�end�. Transnational monopolies did use the temporary
defeat of socialism for the intensification of
exploitation and for deriving bigger superprofits, for the
severe limitation of social rights and benefits won by the
proletariat earlier. But world capitalism could not and
will not ever be able to abrogate laws of social
development, to stop peoples' movements for a better life,
to put an end to class struggle.
In spite of possessing fantastic arsenals of modern
weaponry, imperialism is not able to suppress national
liberation movements and to put under its control the
increasing number of mass actions of peoples in the
dependent countries. The U.S. dream to establish a �new
world order� with complete U.S. domination taking advantage
of the present unipolar world looks an like illusion even
now.
However hard monopoly capital tried it is not able to jump
over itself. It has become historically obsolete. It is
constantly confronted by various people and social layers
which are quite far from communism. This wide antimonopoly
front embraces not only workers and not only intellectuals.
Those participating in the antimonopoly struggle in their
own way are also nationally oriented businessman, petty-
and medium-size property owners who are competing with the
high-tech of the transnational companies, with their market
capacities as well as with their much wider possibilities
to use trade credits.
To confirm the above, I would like to cite the results of
the Ebert Fund public poll: only a limited amount of the
people polled in favour of capitalism. The overwhelming
majority comes out for socialism although these people
prefer to be rich too. It seems to me that at present we
communists, must assess the �revolutionary situation�
formula in a different way. This formula itself is up to
date all right but some of its characteristics are not the
same as they were some 100, 80 or even 50 years ago.
I believe that nowadays the main line of world developments
is characterized by the fact that socialism is on the
threshold and is knocking at the door.
In this way we come to the conclusion that only
Marxist-Leninist ideas as well as their carriers -
communist and workers parties are the most important
factors for the further social progress of human society.
This is an old truth but nowadays sounds very current.
The temporary defeat of socialism caused certain confusion
within communist ranks. But you may agree with me, I
suppose, that this confusion is coming to an end. We are
entering a new era - the era of the revival of the
international communist movement, the era of active
struggle for the victory of socialism. What assumes ever
greater importance at this stage is the subjective factor -
that is the active leadership and guidance of the
revolutionary struggle by the communist and workers
parties.
In this direction I'd like to touch upon the situation in
Russia.
Negative political developments in Russia as well as in
the whole area of the former Soviet Union; the results of
the last electoral campaigns that turned out to be a
complete failure for the communist and for all left forces
set us thinking again of the destiny of the communist
movement as a whole and of its biggest detachment - the
Communist Party of the Russian Federation in particular.
Paradoxically, but it is still a real fact: as the
capitalization of the country and its plunder are picking
up speed - society moves more to the left and the influence
of communists is weakening. And at the same time the regime
is strengthening its positions. This fact is evidence of a
deep and the most serious crisis in Russian Communist
movement for the last few years. This crisis reflects many
similar characteristics of the former CPSU crisis.
Seizing the moment , having located this mood in the
leadership of the CPRF, various pro-governmental agents
now are openly pushing it to change. They wish the party
to convert itself to a social-democratic party of a Western
European type. The idea is that such a party might share
power with authorities in a two - chamber parliament and
serenely enjoy itself together with criminal the
bourgeoisie at the expense of the suffering people,.
Unfortunately we see no rebuff to this idea and to these
plans, Let's wait and see anyway.
It is absolutely clear that we should not let these
developments go. To this end we are to arm ourselves - both
in a theoretical and in practical way - with the basic
principles of Marxism which the Party Charter and Party
Programme contain.
The situation demands not just that we recognise the class
struggle as a existing reality but to put it at the
fore-front of the theoretical and practical work of the
Party within the masses.
The question of the social base and of the allies of
the Communist Party is thus clear. It is by no means the
�middle class�; even bourgeois political talk did not
elaborate on such scientific terms. If one means people
with income over the medium level - in our conditions such
people comprise not more than 10%. The vast majority of
such people share petty-bourgeois views.
Neither is it the �nationally-oriented businessman (or
commodity producer)� who inevitably becomes a victim of the
trasnationals' policy leading to an ever bigger
polarization between the rich, more advanced countries and
the poorest countries of the �third world�. Russia is being
pushed into this group of states.
Only the contemporary working class can be a real social
base for the Communist Party in Russia , that is a new
proletariat, consisting of the workers proper, engineers
and technicians, teachers and medical personnel, as well as
the working peasantry - all people of hired labour, not
excluding our miserable pensioners.
There is only one step from the above staled to recognize
the teaching of the dictatorship of the proletariat which
has its source in the essence of the scientific conception
of the state.
The term �dictatorship� scares - but why? - the leaders of
certain parties use this termin this or that sense and, no
doubt it, is now necessary for a description of the very
essence of a class state. In one case it expresses the rule
of the feudal class, in the second case - the domination of
the bourgeoisie, in the third - the power of the working
class. This truth is as old as the world.
Let me remind you: Lenin considered advanced bourgeois
democracy as the best form of the bourgeois dictatorship.
His conclusion is confirmed now by the experience of scores
of states world-wide. Exactly the best form of the
dictatorship of the proletariat for Russia was and still is
Soviet socialist democracy.
I'm sure - what we've lost from Lenin's heritage is not
just this or that separate ascertainment or wording
however important they are, like that of the dictatorship
of the proletariat. We've lost ability to raise questions
based on principles and to solve problems dialectically.
As for tactics in choosing allies I believe the Party -
depending on the situation - can form the widest possible
block, the widest possible coalition, but should never lose
its identity, should be highly scrupulous.
We have to remember Marx's precept: for the sake of the
goal chosen in politics you can make an alliance even with
the devil but you should be sure that you can fool the
devil but not vice versa.
It is very important for us, communists, at the moment to
work out such a political line which might draw to our side
all sincere fighters for a just society that may give
perspective for the preservation of nature and of humanity.
The most important problem now is, as it was also in the
pre-Revolutionary years, the problem of our attitude to the
existing regime. If the Party - both leadership and rank
and file party members - suppose that the regime has put
the country in disaster's way, then the political,
ideological support of its line, support of this regime
would be a crime against people. What is possible for the
communists in the circumstances is their partial
participation in solving this or that separate problem in
economic, social or cultural field assisting to correct or
to amend some tendencies of the governmental line. But
there should be no intention of coming into power�.
We have many years of persistent attempts to consolidate
the communist parties and groups in Russia and to form a
united Communist Party. However all our attempts of
consolidation had been broken down mostly because of the
destructive position of the biggest Party.
The present situation in the communist movement in the
former Soviet Union, including Russia vividly illustrates
that theoretical ignorance and carelessness are among the
main factors of the disunity of communists and cause so
called communist multi-party factor.
Certain forces attack Marxism, originating from their class
hatred and fear of inevitability of Russia's socialist
revival; other forces do the same - because of ignorance
and self-conceit which they use to cover up their own
theoretical failure. In today's Russia some left-wing
parties replace certain topical points of Marxist-Leninist
philosophy with slogans of state patriotism. Surely, it can
be partially explained to be their reaction to the violent
intrusion of pro-western ideas.
But this only demonstrates that many people have already
forgotten the basics of Marxist philosophy and the other
people deliberately consign it to oblivion. In the meantime
vacuum is being filled with either national-patriotic or
neoliberal ideology. This is bad when the apologists of
capitalism pose as social-democrats but it's even worse
when social-democrats as they are by the very essence of
their convictions put on the mask of communists.
When the treaty for the formation of the Commonwealth
state of Russia and Byelorussia was signed the Plenary
session of the Council of the Union of Communist Parties
held in January 2000 put forward the task of formating the
united Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Russia and
Byelorussia.
We don't intend to unite all existing communist parties. At
the moment this task sounds unreal. The main thing to do is
to take a step forward in the consolidation of communists.
(It's worth saying that the CPSU before it was banned had a
membership of 18 million but now the communist parties at
the post-soviet territory have about 1 million party
members. Many more people are ready to restore their
membership now but they don't agree with the political line
of this or that party).
So what we have in mind is not to unite the parties but to
unite their membership into a party.
Creating the Communist party of Russia and Byelorussia we
implement one of the tasks of our Union of the Communist
Parties, that is - to promote the revival of the united
CPSU in as mach as the conditions crop up. We'll reveal
both steadfastness and flexibility to put this intention
into effect. We've already timed the Founding Congress of
the united Marxist-Leninist Party of Byelorussia and Russia
to July 15. We are quite sure to have the support of the
majority of Soviet communists including those living in
Belorussia.
If the new Party membership is not numerous from the start
- no trouble. We are doing all this perhaps not for today
but for the long-term. I'm absolutely sure that if we fail
to set up a united Commonwealth Communist Party we'll have
no excuse in the eyes of our descendants. That's why
whatever the cost might be, however the situation may
develop we'll carry our goal through.
It becomes clear from the programme documents prepared for
our Founding Congress that the goal of a new Party will be
to change the relations of production in principle as well
as to change the whole basis of the social system. The
economic formation itself should be changed but not solely
the regime or its line. It is in this way that we can put
into effect our national idea.
Give back to the working people every thing that was taken
away from him. Power - to the working people, Socialism -
to the society, Soviet Commonwealth state - to the peoples.

Dear comrades,
Taking into account the time limit I'd like to speak in
short about our position on the further consolidation of
the international communist ranks.
We wholly support all the steps of our Greek comrades who
are doing their best and who have spared a considerable
amount of money to get us together for co-ordination of our
positions on the topical problems of today.
We resolutely support the idea of the revival of the
Comintern. Unfortunately our world-wide movement is the
only one that has no international centre. Naturally, we
don't mean the repetition of what was in the past. The new
Comintern should be created with due regard to the
contemporary situation, to the experience of the past, to
the positions and real conditions of the activities of the
communist parties.
We are ready to develop co-operation an of mutual
information of our respective positions and political
standings.
Our experience shows that the cause of strengthening of the
communist ranks is extremely difficult and complicated.
However if we want to achieve victory - we have no other
way but to strengthen solidarity and unity.
In conclusion let me express the greatest thanks on behalf
of our Union of Communist Parties - CPSU to the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of Greece and personally
to the General Secretary comrade Aleka Papariga for the
perfect organisation of this conference and for the
excellent conditions of work.
Thank you.