4th IMCWP, Contribution of Iraqi Communist Party

6/21/02, 11:41 AM
  • Iraq, Iraqi Communist Party 4th IMCWP En Asia Communist and workers' parties

Iraqi CP, Contribution to the Athens Meeting 21J2002
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From: Iraqi Communist Party, Wed, 26 June 2002
http://www.iraqcp.org , mailto:info@iraqcp.org
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by Dr. Subhi Aljumaily

The New World Situation After the 11th September
and its Impact on the Situation in Iraq

Dear Comrades,
Representatives of Communist and Workers' Parties,

The events of 11th September and their repercussions have
constituted, and continue to be, a turning point in
international politics and relations. We cannot but
denounce what happened in New York and Washington,
regardless of any political motives or background, because
it was really an inhuman terrorist act which cost the lives
of the innocent and led to grave consequences with
international dimensions on al levels: political, economic,
military, ideological .. etc.

When dealing with these events and their consequences, one
has to analyse the developments that preceded them, which
are many. This, perhaps, may provide some answers to
questions which are still outstanding, such as: Why did
they happen? What were the motives? Who was really behind
them? Could they be avoided? Why did they target the US in
particular? What are the causes for all this hatred towards
the policy of the US administration?

It is still difficult, until this moment, to come up with
accurate answers. But these events did not arise without
preceding factors, which can be summarised as follows:
An American foreign policy which is hostile to the
interests of peoples; biased against them, violating their
rights and employing double-standards.
The inherent tendency of the US administration, which
represents the interests of multinationals and big
business, for greater hegemony over the world, by
exploiting the processes of globalism and economic,
political and cultural control.
The mounting role and activity of terrorist organisations
inside the US and outside it, which feed on mounting social
discontent, the violations of rights, the feelings of
despair and frustration, the disregard for national rights,
and racism, resentment against dictatorial and fascist
regimes, and ideological education which distorts thinking
and consciousness, and kills modern culture.

The events of 11th September have been used as a pretext
for implementing pre-planned strategic schemes, which are
driven by a desire for control and hegemony, and to impose
an American model for globalism with an inherent tendency
for its militarization.

Among the objectives for these schemes are: control over
Central Asia, including the Caspian Sea, and the oil
resources; getting closer to the borders of Russia, China,
India and Iran; and creating a new balance of forces which
is favourable to American imperialism and convenient to the
needs of the US economy.

One of the most important consequences of the 11th
September events was the launching of the so-called
"international campaign against terrorism", using various
means and pressures, under the slogan declared by President
Bush that "those who are not with us are with terrorism".

It must be said that terrorism is an international
phenomenon, and not Islamic or Arab. Terrorism has no
homeland, and there are general and universal causes behind
it:
Socio-economic causes, such as poverty, unemployment,
deprivation, hunger and backwardness, which give rise to
despair and frustration
Political security causes; including oppression, coercion,
violations of human rights, repressive practices against
nations and peoples.
Political international causes, as manifested in the
aggravation of regional and international conflicts.
Low level of consciousness, in addition to the denial of
democracy.

The war waged by the US administration and its allies was
unleashed without any controls, and all this took place:
with total disregard for the United Nations and its bodies
in taking the decision of war.
without developing a clear, precise and agreed upon
definition for "terrorism"; which distinguishes it from the
legitimate right of peoples to wage liberation struggle
against occupation and for self-determination. This is
clearly evident in the way the just struggle of the
Palestinian people and their courageous uprising are
considered as "acts of terrorism".

Terrorism is thus confused with violence as if any
violence, including the fight against occupying regimes and
dictatorship, is terrorism. This only amounts to equating
between the oppressor's crime and the victim's
self-defence.

On the basis of such confusion, some condemn any armed
struggle which peoples have been forced to wage in response
to the bloody campaigns of their oppressors, and to achieve
their rights because fascist dictatorships block all peace
and legal means to attain them.

There is no doubt that terrorists must be pursued and
punished for the brutal acts which they have committed. But
this does not justify resorting to total and large-scale
war and military operations, because they are the proper
way to confront and eliminate terrorism; rather they will
create new motives and additional incentives to continue
terrorism. This is why we have declared our opposition to
the war option, stressing that war will not solve the
problem, but might even further aggravate it. And we have
called for resorting to peaceful means, international
legitimacy and UN Charter.

The illusions circulated by the US with regard to
establishing a so-called "New World Order" after the end of
Cold War; a world where peace, security and justice would
prevail, have really dissipated. We are witnessing,
instead, the rampant manifestations of brutal and parasitic
globalism. All this confirms that capitalism, as a world
system, has not only failed to solve problems in the world,
but has also aggravated them to such an extent that there
is a danger of more extensive and universal reversals.
Meanwhile, the irremediable contradictions which have
characterised capitalist development continue to deepen,
thus creating objective conditions for renewed struggle of
workers and peoples.

Our Parties are now facing more urgently the task of
broadening the international movement of resistance against
capitalist globalism, warding off the spectre of wars,
achieving peace and stability, and consolidating the
struggle for a humanitarian alternative which fulfils the
aspirations of peoples and their future, in justice,
democracy and social progress, and for socialism.

If we now move from these factors which are of general
character, to consider the situation in our homeland, Iraq,
we see the continued statements made by American officials
against the Iraqi regime, and the continued open threats by
the US to attack Iraq, after considering it to be the next
target in the "war against terrorism" and including it in
the "axis of evil". The US is justifying its threats by
connecting between terrorism and weapons of mass
destruction, and on other occasions by referring to the
bloody, dictatorial and aggressive nature of the regime in
our country. There is no doubt at all that the Iraqi regime
is dictatorial and terrorist. It was a terrorist regime
when it was enjoying good relations with the American
administration, which provided it with all logistic support
during its war with Iran during the 1980s. Saddam's regime
provided US imperialism, in return, with enormous services.
Today, it continues to be a terrorist regime as a result of
its nature and policies, first and foremost against the
Iraqi people, and not because of being characterised as
such by the US.

This description by the US of the Iraqi regime is not a
certificate confirming its credentials as
"anti-imperialist", as some forces of the Left and very few
communist parties continue, unfortunately, to think so.
This regime is responsible, more than anyone else, for the
tragedies and catastrophes which have befallen our people
and homeland, including the unjust international blockade
imposed on the Iraqi people for nearly 12 years. Even
today, the dictatorial regime is helping to provide
pretexts for the US warmongers and hawks by its obstinate
refusal to implement UN resolutions, especially with regard
to the return of UN weapons inspectors.

Based on the fact that war, with all its subsequent
material and spiritual destruction and devastation which
would last for many generations to come, is the worst
option, we firmly believe that war and foreign intervention
cannot bring about democracy or peace, stability and
reconstruction of the country for the benefit of our
people. While we reject this option, it should be pointed
out that the Iraqi people will have no pity for the hated
dictatorship if it is overthrown.

Our Party's rejection of war as an option does not mean at
all that there is any reluctance in the determination to
continue the struggle against the regime, to achieve our
people's salvation from dictatorship. Our position can be
summarised as follows:

Rejecting the war option and foreign military intervention
and its tragic consequences.
Relying upon our people and the unity of their patriotic
forces.
Refusing to take part in the American effort.
Being prepared for possible developments as an independent
party, which opposes both the regime and the war option,
and puts forward a patriotic and democratic plan to save
the people and the homeland from the blockade, dictatorship
and the dangers of external attacks.

The task of change of regime is a task for the Iraqi
people, together with patriotic elements of the armed
forces, led by an alliance based on a patriotic-democratic
program, and with legitimate and genuine international
support.

In this struggle, we look forward to distinguishing between
the dictatorial regime and the people. This stance can be
effectively demonstrated by opposing war and dictatorship,
and supporting the struggle of our Party, the patriotic and
democratic opposition forces, and the Iraqi people, for a
unified democratic and federal Iraq.