5th IMCWP, Contribution of Sudanese Communist Party

6/19/03, 11:59 AM
  • Sudan, Sudanese Communist Party 5th IMCWP En Africa Communist and workers' parties

Athens Meeting 19-20 June 2003, Contribution by Sudanese CP

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From: SolidNet
http://www.midan.net , mailto:scpinc46@hotmail.com
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by Fathi Mohamed El Fadl Mohamed

STRONG MOVEMENTS AT HOME S OUR URGENT NEED

Dear Comrades,

Since September 11th 2003 we have witnessed qualitative
escalation of the global offensive by imperialism in
general, and US imperialism in particular, seeking to
impose upon the workers and the peoples of the world a "new
oppressive order" under US hegemony. But neither the goals,
nor the nature, nor the root causes of this offensive are
new. They date back to the days of Reagan administration.
And considering the speed and the scale f the actions
undertaken by the neo-conservative elements within the US
administration during the past period, it is correct to
state that, regardless of the precise nature of the events
of September 11th the plans and preparations for their
stepped-up offensive already existed to that date.

Imperialism's policy and goals are global. They are
aggressive, due to imperialism's very nature. What has made
this offensive possible is, in the final analysis, the
radical change in the world balance of forces that resulted
from the collapse of the Soviet Union.

In the current imperialist offensive we can highlight the
arrogant assertion of the specific interests of US
imperialism and of its role the only superpower, a general
escalation of militarism, war-mongering and aggressive
interventions, a widespread offensive against fundamental
rights, guarantees and freedoms, an attempt to conceal the
causes of capitalism's economic and financial crisis and to
force the workers and peoples to shoulder its consequences
and an attempt by US imperialism to deal a decisive blow
against the international legal and institutional framework
that emerged from World War II, and was further developed
in the subsequent decades.

The attempts to impose the worldwide control of US
imperialism are creating a crisis of global proportion.
They are binging about realignments, but also contributing
to the creation and deepening of old and new
contradictions, not least between imperialist powers. It is
increasingly obvious that what was initially presented as a
"global coalition" for a "war against terrorism" has become
a unilateral crusade for domination that is destabilizing
international relations, with unpredictable consequences.
The Bush administration envisages the coming decades as a
continuation of recent US demands, threats and wars. It
intends to continue the aggressive actions already
illustrated by war in Afghanistan and Iraq, aimed
interventions in the Philippines and Colombia, and threats
against Syria, Iran, Cuba and North Korea. In addition, the
systematic refusal by US imperialism to accept any
international treaty or law, including UN resolutions, that
will limit its power, or even force it to negotiate is
accompanied by an increasingly overt assertion of
unilateral military might: the aggression against
Afghanistan and Iraq, threats against other countries, star
wars and plans to militarize outer space, the total support
for Israel's policies of State terrorism, the deployment of
US troops and bases throughout the world, with particular
emphasis on the doorstep of potential world powers China
and Russia need no proof. The serious threats that such
policies pose to the world are obvious.

The so-called "war on terrorism" or against "rogue States"
has brought in its wake another development of the utmost
gravity, of which all progressive and revolutionary forces
must be full aware: the attacks against democratic norms
and rights, which are becoming widespread throughout the
world. We are witnessing a qualitative leap forward towards
the criminalisation of social protests, of resistance
against exploitation and oppression, of the very existence
of progressive forces. The decisions by the EU and
capitalist governments to enlist parties as terrorist
organizations, the increasingly insolent attitude towards
Cuba, and the ongoing plans to outlaw political parties,
mark a very serious new step in this direction. Imperialism
is setting in place the instruments and mechanisms for
repression against the working people and popular
resistance to its policies.

This is very important in the Middle East and especially in
the Arab countries. Here a string of autocratic regimes
oppress their own people and deny their democratic rights
and freedoms, enjoying the political support, funding and
military assistance from the US imperialism. At the same
time, these regimes cooperate with US policies despite the
overwhelming opposition of their people. The regimes in
Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, Egypt, Sudan, Lebanon,
Jordan, United Arab Emirates continue to repress their
people.

But it has to be recognized that popular resistance, and
the activity of communists, working class and left wing
forces do not yet correspond to the real dangers of this
very serious situation. The world balance of forces is till
unfavorable. The anti-imperialist movement including the
communists, have not yet overcome their crisis. The working
class and the trade union movements are still, to a large
extent, under the influence of social-democracy that is
increasingly subordinate to big capital. All this requires
major efforts by all of us and other progressive and
peace-loving forces, to expand and strengthen the
anti-globalisation and anti-capitalist movement that the
current situation requires. With confidence, mutual trust
and respect in our forces, in our ideals and in the masses,
there is real possibility of contributing to the building
of a democratic and progressive alternative to the current
situation.

The recent demonstrations against the war in Iraq have
proved that the peoples of the world can unite and act in
unity. The global peace movement has the potential with
our active participation to redefine itself as a strong
mass democratic movement. The US policy of dictation and
aggression, of which the Iraq war was merely one expression
continues to challenge us all. The Bush administration
program is generating an endless stream of outages that can
provide targets for the movement actions. The movement can
enlarge both its composition and program. It can be a
global movement for peace and justice and against US
policies of dictation and aggression.

Dear Comrades,

Recently, we have received a letter from the Communist
Party of Canada. We thank them for that. However, we avail
ourselves of this opportunity to convey the position of our
party.

Before tacking the question of cooperation and coordination
contained in the letter of the Central Committee of the
Canadian Communist Party, we would like to express our
surprise at a certain formulation contained in that letter.
The letter speaks of the formation of a Working Group ar a
recent European Forum held in Prague to discuss the issue
in question. The Group is composed, according to the
letter, of "some leading parties". We are, indeed, at a
lost, being able to understand what is meant by the word
"leading". All English dictionaries identify "leading" as
meaning: "coming or ranking first; exercising leadership;
providing direction or guidance". We were under the
impression that ALL our parties were equal, and that there
were no "leading" and "led". There are no some who are more
equal than others. We are forcefully raising and stressing
this point because we would like to state that resorting to
old practices and worn-out concepts will only harm our
parties and our attempts at "strengthening cooperation and
coordination". We are willing to consider the formulation
in the said letter as simply a "mistaken choice of words".

We have clearly stated on previous occasions, and we are
reiterating it now, that our party is strongly opposed to
any form of structuralized cooperation and coordination.
This attitude is not based on negativist approach, but
rather on a realistic assessment of the prevailing
situation among our parties. We had given in past meetings
examples of differences of attitude and appreciation
regarding crucial issues by different parties be it due to
different interests, national conditions or pressures, or
whatever other reasons that may exist. We would like here
to cite just one example: the attitude of some communist
parties towards the defunct dictatorial regime in Iraq.
Delegations of these communist parties visited Iraq and met
with Saddam Hussein expressing their solidarity with him at
a time when the Iraq Communist Party was condemning that
regime and calling for its overthrow. This can hardly be
called common approach and a united vision.

We believe that any real strengthening of our movement
STARTS AT HOME. As we have stated earlier, the balance of
forces is still unfavourable. We have not yet over overcome
our crisis. In some countries communists are divided. In
others, they are isolated from the masses. The division and
isolation are a result of years repression. The urgent task
is to play our role at home. By strengthening our
individual parties, building them, spreading their
influence and contacts in our respective societies, we will
be laying the solid basis for strengthening our
international movement and influence. We cannot exercise
any "leading" role internationally, even among communist
parties, without really enjoying a leading role in our
societies. Let us loose sight of the fact that the
"international army" is composed of "national contingents".
It is true, as one great revolutionary has said: "All
things go in the direction of internationalism, but the
point of departure should always be national".

Past experience at so-called central coordination, or
simply center have resulted in domination by some over the
rest of the movement, or to put it more gently in some
being more equal that others. Uniformity was imposed, and
when some did not comply, were either ex-communicated or
dubbed as revisionists, etc. We are not prepared to aid in
the setting up of any kind of regime that would eventually
unintentionally duplicate in any form a past that we are
not proud of.

However, we feel the urgent need for building-up a strong
international front to oppose the intensified aggressivity
of international capital and the mounting aggressions of
the imperialist states, namely that of the US
Administration. The greatest contribution we can make to
the peace and progressive front in the world is by
tirelessly working to strengthen our movements at home,
through building them, providing them with "guidance",
organization and ideas and learn from them. This is the
most important task that our parties have to shoulder at
the national level at the present.

We are of the opinion that continued bilateral, regional
and international consultations and exchanges of views as
has been going until now have been effective and useful.
They should be continued without being structuralized.

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