The PCdoB is on its way to celebrate its centenary of struggles for the sovereign construction of Brazil, reaffirming - and taking into account the challenges of contemporaneity - its commitment to the working class and to socialism, which is heading towards the construction of a new National Project of Development. It is a trajectory that is intertwined with the country's own history and the struggles of the proletariat, in its broadest sense. At the same time, it undertakes the necessary updating and renewal of its lines of action and party construction, so that they are in line with the current demands of class struggles.

We consider that one troubled transition is under its way with the relative decline of the US superpower and the emergence of new poles of economic, political, diplomatic and military power, coming mainly from the former semi periphery and periphery of the international system. The most representative phenomenon of this trend is the prominence of socialist China as a power, and the recovery of national power in Russia. The international situation is one of aggravation and expansion of disputes, tensions and confrontations, which is the responsibility of the United States, as - after the failure of its attempt to structure a unipolar "new world order" at the end of the Cold War - they are committed, in every way, to prevent other countries from taking the path of cooperation, peace, economic development and social progress, sovereignly and freely.

This change in the international correlation of forces stems from the unequal development of nations and creates a more favorable context for the realization of counter-hegemonic national projects, such as what was promoted in Brazil at the height of the cycle of progressive governments, in the first decades of this century, although the strategic defensive framework generated by the collapse of the former socialist camp at the end of the 20th century still persists.

The Covid19 pandemic has generated an avalanche of death and suffering across the planet. But the immense health crisis does not affect countries in a homogeneous way. There where those who preserved state-planning structure and regulation in the face of the neoliberal dismantling offensive of recent decades, notably the socialist countries. Throughout the pandemic, mortality caused by the new coronavirus, in proportion to the size of their populations, was higher in European countries, the United States and Latin America.

A fundamental counterpoint to this disastrous balance is given by the performance of socialist countries. China implemented an intense and integrated program that allowed it to contain the situation and return to normal economic activities in a short period of time. It developed four of its own vaccines, donated millions of doses and established technological development and technological transfer partnerships with several countries. The same trajectory of solidarity and effectiveness in fighting the pandemic was followed by other socialist countries, such as Cuba and Vietnam, although they felt a little more the impacts of the third wave generated by new variants of the virus.

After initial denial stances – by leaders such as Donald Trump, in the United States, and Boris Johnson, in the United Kingdom –, the central capitalist countries abandoned the neoliberal orthodoxy in the face of the health crisis with extensive programs of financing and state investment. A Bank of America survey reveals that, to contain the crisis, 97 selected countries injected no less than US$ 25 trillion (29% of global GDP) into the economy. These governments have also resorted to issuing money to finance the fiscal and monetary effort. This failed to reverse, however, at least in the short term, the consequences of decades of dismantling and/or weakening of public health and social protection systems in these countries.

The growing dispute between the US and China constitutes the main geopolitical tension in the world, which is rapidly worsening. The central strategic objective of the US is to contain China at all costs and restore the dynamism of its economy in order to reverse the relative decline of its hegemony in the international system. The new Biden government unleashed an intense media, diplomatic and military campaign against that country, trying to respond to what the US sees as threats to its role as a hegemonic power: facing the Chines rise, militarily containing Russia and confronting the Sino-Russian alliance.

China is on accelerated paths of development. Based on the Four Modernizations Program adopted in the late 1970s of the last century, it formed a system based on multiple social and economic structures, but with a predominance of social forms of ownership, preservation of strong state regulation and direction and political leadership of the Party Communist of China. It has sustained, for more than four decades, extremely high levels of economic development, reaching the condition of the highest GDP in the world in terms of purchasing power parity. It overcame obstacles and challenges that were fatal for the Soviet experience and that of other countries in the socialist camp in the last century. Its trajectory proves the viability of national projects that manage to combine sovereign economic development with the eradication of poverty and misery, the expansion of social rights and the protection of people's lives and well-being. Its insertion in the world today takes place through the defense of a "community of common destiny and shared future of humanity", in an anti-imperialist sense and through the sovereign development of national States, based on an international system based on multilateral cooperation and promoting world peace.

It is in this context that the constitution of the new military alliance between the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia – the AUKUS – is inserted, although at the expense of increasing tensions with Europe, especially with France, within the NATO framework. The US government’s plan, agreed with the G7, is to launch the Build Back Better – B3 (Rebuild Better) project to counter the infrastructure cooperation project Belt and Route Initiative that China has established with a hundred of countries in the world.

Socialist countries – notably China – play a central role in the new world geopolitical reality. They structure national development projects, with a socialist orientation, within the scope of the world capitalist economy. However, they do not present themselves as structuring an alternative socialist world system to capitalism. Their national trajectories prove, however, the viability of socialist projects under the renewed socialist orientation and their greater capacity to combine sovereign economic development with the eradication of poverty and misery, expansion of social rights and protection of the life and well-being of the people.

The form of international insertion adopted by socialist countries in the first decades of the 21^st century shows that the worker’s movement, popular and progressive movements, revolutionary and leftist forces are still facing a period of strategic defensiveness in the world. In this framework, the centrality of national and democratic tasks necessarily imposes itself in the construction of counter-hegemonic and anti-imperialist strategic alternatives in countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Oceania.

The environmental crisis also deepens. There is growing awareness of the climate emergency and the need for a carbon neutral economy – a sustainability agenda that has the potential for development, social inclusion and the generation of income and jobs. At the same time, the central capitalist powers hypocritically try to use the environmental flag to impose non-tariff barriers on developing countries, refusing to assume their historical responsibility for the advent of the global environmental crisis, including global warming. A deleterious phenomenon is the global migratory crisis with a strong impact on the Americas and central countries. All these aspects of the world situation are part of the multidimensional character that structures and conditions the general crisis of the capitalist system, aggravated by the health crisis.

This scenario coexists with the disruptive development of the productive forces that, through science, technology and innovation, drive new production patterns. However, the contradiction between capital and labor deepens and the mass of precarious labor and overexploitation spread throughout the world. Reducing the cost of labor is big capital's weapon to face the capitalist crisis and increase its profits. In almost all countries, neoliberal governments approve labor and social security counter-reforms and promote anti-union measures, to advance the precariousness of work and weaken workers' resistance. The accelerated technological changes and their intensive use, for the exclusive benefit of capital, create new phenomena, such as the individualization of relationships at work - a new type of unregulated work, "uberization" - with longer working hours, lower wages and cuts in rights. However, even with the difficulties and the particularities of each country, denunciation and resistance to the recovery of rights persist, as well as the struggle to develop the class consciousness of workers.

Also the use of vast databases, algorithms, robots, artificial intelligence, targeted communication, based on neuroscience and other spheres of knowledge, is an outstanding part of this reality. Right-wing extremist forces appropriate this arsenal to instigate and mobilize mass movements based on the cult of violence and intolerance; in the attack on the values ​​and democratic achievements of the modern era; in the public lynching of adversaries through digital militias; and in the creation and diffusion of parallel virtual realities to encourage and retain the bases of radicalized followers. The relative success of these extremist forces in imposing denial and reactionary narratives on the new digital public sphere presents an urgent and unavoidable challenge to be faced by progressive, democratic and leftist forces around the world.

In Latin America and Caribbean the people resist and impose defeats on the imperialist counteroffensive. In the last period, important victories occurred, associated with mobilization and popular vote, such as the election of Luis Arce, in Bolivia, in the reversal of the 2019 coup; Alberto Fernández's post-Macrismo leadership in Argentina; the election of a new Constituent Assembly, in Chile, after 30 years of the Pinochetist Constitution; and the victory of Professor Pedro Castillo, in Peru, defeating Fujimorism. In a more systemic way, there is the progressive reactivation of the Union of South American Nations (Unasur), the downfall of the Lima Group and the consolidation of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) as a counterpoint to the Organization of American States (OAS). All of them are signs of the growth of progressive and leftist forces, which increase the isolation of Bolsonaro's foreign policy, in the region and in the world, as an increasingly demoralized government as a global bastion of the far-right.

The Brazilian situation is evolving rapidly, producing, in recent months, decisive inflections in the behavior of political, economic and social forces, which are reflected in researches. Bolsonaro's isolation is growing, while the multiple crisis situation persists, with ups and downs of intensity and gravity in the economic-social, political-institutional, environmental and public policies such as health, education and security. It is evident that the center of the crisis is the government itself, through actions and omissions, promoting persistent political-institutional instability. Despite tactical setbacks, Bolsonaro did not change his strategy. He seeks to bring institutions to an impasse, causing the persistent erosion of institutions and the Democratic Rule of Law, with a view to imposing a break with the democratic regime and instituting an authoritarian political order.

The ultraliberal and neocolonial policy of Bolsonarodeepens the denationalization of the economy; deindustrialization; aggravates exclusion and social and gender inequalities; and penalizes the black population even more. Liberal reforms promoted an increase in the rate of profits and labor exploitation. In the financial system, the two largest private banks increase profits by 74% and 64% in one year. The number of billionaires has grown right here, where there is the second highest concentration of income among more than 180 countries. Meanwhile, more than 800,000 businesses have gone out of business and unemployment is at a record, with 14.8 million people out of work.

The democratic broad front tactic of all oppositions, defended by the PCdoB, was established and is on the rise. It gains influence among oppositions and growing resonance among society. A greater expression of this is the articulation in a wide spectrum of society, the political world, institutions and street demonstrations. The democratic and progressive political field gathers forces and undertakes the transition to overcome the tactical defensive phase. The left gains dynamism and political prominence. From this accumulation, the result of democratic and popular resistance, a new political environment is emerging. The people's hope awakens. The real possibility of the oppositions winning the 2022 elections is being created and the fight for impeachment is growing in the streets.

Democratic and progressive forces, movements and entities of the people and workers have important democratic measures to contain the coup by various institutions in the country. The crimes of responsibility against public health and the right to life, malfeasance and corruption, committed by Bolsonaro during the pandemic and which the Parliamentary Inquiry Commission (PIC) highlighted, are fuel for the fight for OUT Bolsonaro! and reinforce the impeachment requirement. Popular mobilizations were strengthened by the denunciations and increased and increased pressure for the impeachment of the president, signed by the PCdoB and by broad political and social forces.

The PCdoB reiterates its conviction that it is the democratic broad front tactic, in defense of democracy and the Democratic Rule of Law, supported by the political mobilization of the people, effective political guidance and conduct to unmask, isolate and defeat Bolsonaro, as well as contain and repel the persistent coup stratagem to liquidate the democratic regime. The flags capable of uniting and setting in motion these great political, social, economic, cultural and institutional forces postulate the fight against the pandemic; the defense of life, with vaccine for everyone, social distance, respect for other health standards; strengthening the SUS and scientific research linked to combating Covid-19; support for its victims, in particular young people and orphans; emergency aid of R$ 600 and fight against hunger; the fight for the protection and generation of jobs; combating student dropping out of basic education, with the reopening of schools; the full re-composition of the budget for public education and science and technology, including research grants; assistance to micro, small and medium-sized companies; and the defense of national sovereignty and the environment. The common denominator to all these struggles is the defense of democracy and the rejection of Bolsonaro's coup, condensed in the slogan ‘OUT, Bolsonaro!’

For the PCdoB, broad united political and social fronts were decisive for the nation to reach new levels of civilization. Acting on fronts, including electoral ones, strengthens progressive forces and is a constitutive conception of the communists' identity, strategy and tactics.Electoral party federations allow the union of Parties, which so wish, as an electoral front, with the rights and duties of political parties and a defined and lasting programmatic character, ensuring the maintenance of the registration of the Parties with their organizational autonomy and identity. This is an important improvement in the Brazilian political party system.The Party Federation pave the way for higher-level political constructions, within the scope of patriotic, popular and progressive forces, supported by popular unity – this which is the flag of hope of the vast majority of Brazilians, for the construction of solutions for the crisis that Brazil is experiencing.

The robust struggle of the oppositions presents itself with important articulations that are expressed in society, in the political world, in street demonstrations and in institutions. The most important is led by former president Lula who, having recovered his political rights by decision of the STF, is growing in the polls and articulates a broad range of support for his presidential candidacy. His leadership and high ratings in polls have a strong positive impact on the opposition struggle. Also Ciro Gomes, from the PDT, [1]continues as an outstanding leader in the presidential succession board, postulating a project for the development and strengthening of the nation. The PCdoB will make every effort to overcome the disastrous political cycle experienced by the Nation. Together with all militants, supporters, friends, the country's progressives, to multiply the energies for the definitive defeat of Bolsonarism in the country and that the next elections enshrine the victory of democracy, the interests of the nation and the people.

[1] PDT  - Democratic Labor Party (NT)